Category Archives: Parties

party machinations

Written on commission for The Party Exhibition (Catalogue), UNSW Galleries

Sydney World Pride, March, 2023 

At parties we come together to lose ourselves in a bewildering array of encounters, sensations and events. We know there will be dancing and mingling and flirting and snogging but the specifics are impossible to know in advance. Being part of the party requires us to give ourselves over to what is unknown about the adventures ahead—at once a thrilling and terrifying prospect. We prepare ourselves to become part of an adventure in collectivity, to be exposed to others, to move together, to be seized by passions, to become available to the event. Parties bring friends and strangers together in an occasion that compresses here and there, now and then. Space and time can collapse in a wormhole that transports you somewhere else, utterly unexpected. You find yourself in a present that draws familiar elements into unforeseen connections, collisions, rhythms, disclosures, synergies, attractions, incidents, surprises. At parties we laugh, we gasp, we shimmy, we scream, we swoon, we feel new things, we remember, we chatter, we forget ourselves, we pull ourselves together to replenish our lives and worlds.

In their book If Memory Serves 2012, Christopher Castiglia and Christopher Reed share an account given to them by a gay friend:

“when someone stuck poppers under my nose for the first time, I felt like I was actually transported back to the Seventies. I felt like I was feeling what ‘they’ must have felt… I felt like I had tapped into some eternal, carnal, homoerotic AND brotherly stream of consciousness”. (1)

The passage evokes the heightened sensitivity of partying bodies to powerful impressions, fantasies, pasts and futures. A disco riff sampled into a techno track evokes a poignant memory and suddenly our dancing becomes a way of connecting lost friends, alluring strangers and queer predecessors—of bringing them into some new configuration in the apparent immediacy of the present. 

In their book, Castiglia and Reed are especially concerned with the cultural impacts of AIDS on the intergenerational transmission of queer cultural memory. They worry that the gentrification of what were once lively queer urban enclaves has been accompanied by what Sarah Schulman has termed a “gentrification of the mind” that radically reduces our imaginations and limits our political possibilities.(2) The authors are careful to clarify that the loss of cultural memory they critique is not a natural or inevitable result of AIDS or the terrible loss of gay and other lives to the epidemic. Rather, the AIDS crisis became an occasion for the more conservative, “forward-looking” rights activism that emerged from the 1980s to cast the sexual liberationist 1970s as a phase of “immaturity” that the normalised gay and lesbian movement ought to forget, grow up from, move beyond.

If the aims and aspirations of the normalised gay and lesbian movement are predicated on a kind of social amnesia that requires we forget the culture, achievements and ambitions of sexual liberationist politics, it is striking that their friend’s account cites a hit of poppers as the catalyst for its fantastic reclamation of these cultural memories and the sense of sexual and political communitas they generate. This prompts us to consider that there are other, more embodied ways of remembering, conjuring, transmitting and reactivating collective histories and cultural memory. Might the party be one such vehicle? One that is all the more significant when one considers that queer history cannot rely on family, official monuments or biological lineage for its transmission, but must generate its own infrastructures of collectivity, participation and engagement.

This exhibition documents a period of remarkable exuberance in Sydney’s history but also loss. By 2002, over 3500 people had died from AIDS in New South Wales, most of them gay men. Is it a coincidence that the scale and intensity of the dance party form reached its peak in the years the community suffered its most devastating toll of losses? What were we doing at dance parties in those years if not processing this loss in feats of collective intimacy that put their wager on the power of communal pleasure, creativity and ecstatic solidarity to disarm the devastations that history was throwing at us? At dance parties, “the massed bodies, decorations, lights, drugs, costumes, and music combined to produce a powerful and widely accessed perception of presence, shared circumstance, and vitality at a time when the image of the gay man, dying alone, ostracised from family, was the publicly proffered alternative”.(3)

In an article written for the gay press in 1989, Terry Giblett takes stock of the epidemic’s first few horrendous years and stares down the oncoming decade by encouraging his peers to find ways of adapting to living with the disease. Alongside political and social involvement, he emphasizes the importance of realising  “there must be time to just live—most commonly referred to in the gay community as a time to party!”(4) The statement is simple but profound: it provides clear insight into the meaning of parties and the part they played in the everyday lives of gay men and their friends over these harrowing decades. Giblett situates the party as a cultural mechanism that is capable of effecting communal change: from despair, shock and victimhood to living with HIV.

The burgeoning of dance parties over the ensuing decades powerfully enacted cultural continuity at a time when conservative forces would have us sever our connections with pre-AIDS cultures and politics. It extended the culture of disco and dance that first emerged in the 1970s in bars, nightclubs and sex venues clustered around Oxford Street, Darlinghurst. Disco culture borrowed much of its bolder attitude, style, paraphernalia and music from US gay urban enclaves, not least amyl-nitrite poppers, “the drug that defined an era, fuelling both the ecstatic twirl of the dancers at nightclubs and …sexual hedonism”. (5) Advertising materials of the time positioned poppers as a drug that was just as good for dancing and socializing as it was for sex: in the discourse of the time, amyl wafts ambiguously and suggestively between these zones of social practice. This give us a sense of the much looser distinctions between activities that we are in the habit these days of considering distinct and discrete—sex and socialising— and a better sense, in turn, of the recreational culture of disco and 1970s gay life. Sex unfolded on dancefloors—dance moves sprung gesturally from erotic impulses—in a collectively accessed, moveable feast of sexual sociability all set to the exuberance of bold, uplifting dance grooves. 

But what sort of sexual culture does disco enact? For Richard Dyer, disco is not simply a musical genre but a sensibility replete with its own aesthetics, dance-styles, behavioural codes and forms of embodied knowledge. It replaced the compulsory hetero-coupling that had been a mainstay of social dancing in the era of rock with the roaming figure of the solo dancer who was free to move around and immerse themselves in the gathering encounters of the dancefloor. Meanwhile, disco’s successive, open-ended rhythmic patterning generated a whole-body eroticism that was more complex, modulated, polymorphous than the relentless phallic thrust–and–grind of rock. As Dwyer puts it, disco “never stops being erotic, but it restores eroticism to the whole of the body, and for both sexes, not just confining it to the penis …rock confines sexuality to the cock”. (6) Meanwhile, disco’s soaring melodic lines—sweeping violins, ecstatic vocals—evokes a kind of romantic utopianism that frequently takes the “intensity of fleeting emotional contacts” as its focus (think: the lyrics and melodies of Diana Ross). (7) In tracks that lamented but also celebrated passing relationships—that validated impermanence as a source of emotional investment and intense feeling—disco served as the perfect accompaniment to the romantic trajectories and affective complexities the participants in this emergent culture of sexual and social freedoms were experiencing: it sounded out its structures of feeling. At the same time, the soaring crescendos of utopian excitement that are a staple of disco conjured a world of emotional plenitude, dramatising the “gap between what is and what could or should be” (8): the fantasy of the dancefloor as an “elsewhere” of utopian abundance.

Over the 1980s the venues, sounds, beats, drugs and dance-styles began morphing and taking on new forms (more synthesised, higher energy and so on) but this remained: Only a very deep-seated commitment to the idea of the dancefloor as a radical break from the mundane world could begin to explain the elaborate infrastructures of pleasure that party producers began to create in the expansive pavilions of the Royal Agricultural Society Showgrounds for the early Mardi Gras parties, RAT parties, Sleaze Ball, and so on—and their sheer scale!—replete with creative design concepts, extravagant live performances, individual themes that fostered increasingly outrageous creativity and theatricality among their partygoers, community art installations, audio-visual effects that became more and more intricate and high-tech as the decade went on, and the extended hours of unrestricted license that lent themselves generously to a version of party-as-adventure/marathon. 

All this creative labour on the part of party producers, DJs, performers, technical and artistic crew—but also punters, importantly—paid off: the cultural forms and sensibilities elaborated in Sydney’s disco years not only endured but grew into multiple offshoots that transformed life in Sydney against the odds and epidemic obstacles of these two tumultuous decades. A party can be thrown together on the spur of the moment but these parties took weeks if not months to prepare. The infrastructure required for collective pleasures of this kind is elaborate, extensive and carefully assembled: the bigger the scale, the greater the logistical challenges. For producers: the venue, the concept, the fit-out, the lineup, the performers, the DJs, the publicity, the tickets, the art, the playlists, the choreography, the lighting rig, the decorations, the coat-check, the medical team and volunteer emergency workers, not to mention liaising with authorities and noise-sensitive residents of inner-city affluent neighbourhoods. All this hard work leaves traces and artefacts, its authors are identifiable, and the pieces can be pulled together to tell the kind of stories “The Party” as an exhibition displays. 

What is less readily available for archiving or historical analysis is the experiential multiplicity of partygoing, the informal, precariously assembled architecture that shapes our experience as partygoers. Like party producers, we set our sights on arranging our outfits, our drugs, our looks, our mindsets, our disco naps, our eating plans on the day and afterwards for recovery, our dance-card commitments, our makeshift itineraries of meeting points, our schedules for catchups with friends, our gameplans some time in advance. All the contingencies must be carefully prepared for but more often than not they are thrown out of whack. We pull things together, we entertain possibilities, we create workarounds, we try things out and see how they feel, we make plans and scratch them, we come up with new ideas and feelings and concepts and approaches and contraptions. On the day of the party we assemble ourselves, our looks, our outfits, our party pals, our attitude, our states of body and of mind, all the while knowing they are bound to come apart at the seams, get worn out, come undone, defy expectations, get rearranged, requiring reassembly, wit, improvisation. We concoct narratives of anticipation that get freighted with complex emotions that demand to be managed but defy easy containment: excitement, apprehension, impatience, frustration, preparation, self-inflation, overwhelm, keeping calm, downplaying, dissimulation, wishful thinking, anxious fretting, exhilaration, flights of fancy, a collective frenzy of conjecture, desire, doubt, longing, speculation.

Then the party comes around, where we come together to lose ourselves in a bewildering array of encounters, events and sensations. We chat with friends, we feel out the music, we join the dancefloor, we move together, we find our groove, we hit our stride, we try new moves, we dance our tits off, we gaze at spunks, we laugh and carry on, we shout indecipherable things into random ears, we say we can’t hear them, we love how we feel, we love how we look, we nick off to the dunnies, we laugh and chat with randoms and monitor cruise options in the queue for the toilet, we share drugs with someone, we go on missions, we get sidetracked, we lose our friends, we talk to strangers, we run into someone we haven’t seen forever, we talk their ears off, we remember connections, we have a moment, we love this song, we thrill to the music, we get all sweaty, we pash that hottie on the dancefloor, we enter the zone, we dance forever, the bassline vibrates us, we come to our senses, we lose something somewhere, we find our friends when least expected, they look unfamiliar, we look different, we feel ecstatic, emboldened, tingly, snuggly, exhausted, excited, energetic, refreshed, we tell each other outrageous stories about our adventures, we realise the time, we think about going, we forget where we’ve been, we forget how we got here, we forget where we left it, we won’t even think about it, the morning is beautiful, we forgive each other, a new day is dawning, we forget about leaving.

***

References

  1. Christopher Castiglia and Christopher Reed, If memory serves: gay men, AIDS, and the promise of the queer past, Minnesota University Press, Minneapolis, 2012, p 41.
  2. Sarah Schulman, The gentrification of the mind: Witness to a lost imagination, University of California Press, Berkeley and Los Angeles, 2013.
  3. Kane Race, Pleasure consuming medicine: The queer politics of drugs, Duke University Press, Durham, 2009, p 22.
  4. Terry Giblett, ‘Dancing in the eye of the storm’, Sydney Star Observer, Sydney, 15 December 1989, p 15.
  5. Clive Faro, Street seen: A history of Oxford Street, Melbourne University Press, Melbourne, 2000, p 223.
  6. Richard Dyer, ‘In defence of disco’, Gay Left, Issue 8, London, 1979.
  7. Dyer, ‘In defence of disco’.
  8. Dyer, ‘In defence of disco’.

Leave a comment

Filed under Affect, Devices and technology, Engagement with medicine, Erogenous zones, Eroticism and fantasy, Parties, Random thoughts, Sexual Sociability, Speculative Objects

Uninhibited Play

The political and pragmatic dimensions of intoxication for queer cultures

{draft chapter, co-authored with Kiran Pienaar, Dean Murphy and Toby Lea, for the forthcoming Routledge Handbook of Intoxicants and Intoxication}

Could intoxication be understood as a politically significant activity among sexual and gender minorities? The question is likely to meet with some resistance. But approaching intoxication as an activity that grapples with the political organization of society is not the same as recommending it as a promising strategy. We usually think of intoxication as a state of the individual body, or else a set of social or cultural or psychologically driven practices that put bodies into such a state. Since the conventional aim of these practices is to alter, manage or change the self in the world (Partanen 1981), the self emerges as the most pertinent locus of action and this produces the practice as personal in nature, relevance and consequence. To frame intoxication as a political tactic is to refuse this personalizing effect by situating it historically and exploring the kind of practical response to certain problem-situations it might embody. The question becomes, ‘how has intoxication emerged as a practical strategy that enables certain, more or less effective, navigations of social norms around sexuality and gender?’, remembering those norms are part of the political ordering of society. 

The higher rates of drug and alcohol use found among LGBTQ people is mainly attributed to ‘minority stress’ by the researchers concerned (Goldback et al. 2014, Dentato et al. 2013, Lehavot & Simoni 2011). Intoxication emerges as a form of self-medication here: a way of coping with the negative affects produced by lived experiences and expectations of stigma, discrimination and victimisation. This focus has been criticized for ‘overlooking the meaningful ways in which … consumption intersects with identity, sociability, place, space and community formation for queer youth’ (Hunt et al. 2019, p.382). Indeed, when the hypothesis of minority stress fails to line up statistically significant correlations, some studies concede that gay socializing ‘often occurs in bars, where alcohol is served and other drugs may be available’ (Rosario et al, 2004, p. 1630), usually before recommending alternative, drug-free social spaces for minority individuals. Alcohol and other drug (AOD) use is typically approached within this literature as a problem in and of itself, that is symptomatic in turn of another social problem (‘minority stress’). Little wonder there are calls for greater attention to meanings, contexts and experiences of pleasure from a growing cohort of researchers in the fields of critical drug and sexuality studies (Pienaar et al. 2020a, Holt and Treloar 2008, Race 2009, Dennis and Farrugia 2017, Paasonen 2018).

Without wishing to deny the realities these different approaches configure, the binary choice they create between the competing figures of problematic self-medication and untroubled social or recreational consumption is hardly satisfying. It is not simply that recreational intoxication can lead to problems or that self-medication can bring pleasure; we are left wondering about the relevance of intoxication within the practical situations commonly confronted by those stigmatised on the basis of their sexual orientation and/or gender expression. Minority stress is conventionally defined as exposure to victimisation and discrimination, expectations of rejection and hostility, internalisation of negative attitudes about homosexuality, and concerns about disclosure of identity (Meyer, 2003). There is nothing very sexy about this definition, it must be said. If the injuries of social minoritisation were enough to explain disproportionate substance use within a particular population, one might expect it to hold true for other stigmatised minority groups that routinely suffer from discrimination and victimisation (ethnic and racial minorities, for example) but this is not borne out by the research evidence in any consistent way (Shih et al. 2010, Gillmore et al. 1990). In the ‘minority stress’ account of LGBTQ substance use, moreover, the individual is produced as the primary locus of injury: stigma becomes a condition of the self. The identities of sexual and gender minorities are ontologised, with intoxication produced as a means of palliating the injuries these damaged identities have incurred. But for Goffman (1963) stigma is embedded in relational dynamics; it creates problem-situations that social actors variously navigate. What if intoxication were transposed from its current makeshift status as a plaster for the wound of sexual stigmatization and reconfigured as a pragmatic means of carrying out certain discredited activities? 

In this chapter we aim to develop such a pragmatic, performative account of the meanings, uses and effects of intoxication among gays, lesbians, bisexuals, transfolk and other assorted queers. Rather than intoxication standing as a toxic means of palliating damaged, static identities, we approach it as a practical – even creative – strategy that, for all its risks and toxicities, can enable individuals and groups to circumnavigate and disrupt prevailing gender and sexual norms. We do not deny that stigma, discrimination, social exclusion and sexual normalization act as structuring constraints within the life-worlds and practical repertoires of LGBTQ+ groups and individuals: rather our aim is to switch gears and translocate accounts of LGBTQ+ substance use away from the ontological register of pathological self-medication and towards the more performative and pragmatic key of tactical responsiveness to the sociomaterial situations that stigma, discrimination, and normalisation create or make manifest. We seek a more dynamic account of queer intoxication, in other words, that turns attention towards the practical question of what intoxication does for those who subject themselves with it. Intoxication is what some people do to allow certain things to happen – not simply a confirmation of injured being. As Judith Butler has maintained, gender and sexuality should not be mistaken for stable identities or inner truths. Rather we might attend to ‘the mundane way in which bodily gestures, movements, and enactments of various kinds constitute the illusion of an abiding gendered self’ (Butler 1988, p. 519). In this chapter we seek to engage this performative register of self-practices. For certain social subjects, certain bodily movements and enactments such as drinking, getting high, getting out of it or getting wasted, matter. But how, and why should this be the case? 


Leave a comment

Filed under Affect, Devices and technology, Engagement with medicine, Erogenous zones, Eroticism and fantasy, Medicine and science, Parties, PNP culture, Self-medication, Sexual practice, Sexual Sociability, Theory, Transgender

A Lifetime of Drugs

DRAFT book chapter

62248A16-954F-485F-B33D-334C690B2E79.jpegDrawing on my experience of living with HIV for over two decades, this essay discusses the forms of anxiety and concern that emerged in 1996 in the context of the introduction of HIV combination antiretroviral therapy around the use of so-called ‘drug cocktails’. It shows how these concerns reflect broader anxieties about increasing sexual activity between men at this time. This event happens to kickstart a corresponding problematisation of gay men’s use of recreational drugs– another sort of ‘drug cocktail’ – on the same basis. I see the present moral panic over chemsex as the latest instalment of this discourse. The piece demonstrates the analogous character of antiretroviral therapy and recreational substance use in gay men’s practice, arguing that pleasure, self-medication, and experimentation with the conditions of life are concerns that cut across outdated distinctions between pharmaceutical drugs and illicit drugs. Meanwhile, the stigmatised and criminalised status of HIV-positive sex, gay sexuality and illicit drug use produces paranoid subjects and effectively endangers the health and wellbeing of those affected. It must be countered. Paying attention to the collective experiments of drug users is likely to be much more generative.

6F3AF7E4-D1D3-4293-A029-CD417C9293DB

I wrote this piece for a forthcoming collection called Long Term, edited by Scott Herring and Lee Wallace, who invited me to write something about living with HIV.

Leave a comment

Filed under Affect, Antiretrovirals, Books, Devices and technology, Digital culture, Engagement with medicine, Erogenous zones, Eroticism and fantasy, HIV behavioural surveillance, Masculinities, Medicine and science, Parties, Policy and programs, Random thoughts, Self-medication, Sexual practice, Sexual Sociability, Theory

Exceptional Sex

How does crystal meth participate in the continuing experience of HIV among gay men, and how have responses to HIV shaped gay men’s crystal meth use and surrounding practices?  The topic recurs with surprising regularity in gay community discourse:  We’ve had a number of excellent community forums on this issue in Australia in the last few months alone – and seen the production of some useful resources locally and internationally – yet some of the themes, findings and positions taken in these forums have persisted for a decade if not more.

Exceptional Sex was an attempt I made in 2007 to make sense of the evolving construction of “the Tina epidemic”, or whatever you’d like to call it – #WiredPlay, #Chemsex, #PNP, the “double epidemic”.  Each of these terms have tried to do the work of naming, in different geographical contexts, what nevertheless seem to be some common patterns and emerging forms in urban gay scenes internationally.

I’m sharing Exceptional Sex here because I think the analysis if offers remains topical, but the text itself is hard to access in electronic form.  (You can always buy the book  hint hint – Pleasure Consuming Medicine (Duke UP 2009), where the essay was later published).

But I’m also curious – what’s changed?  what’s stayed the same? what’s missing? where do we go from here?

What can we make of this issue?

Leave a comment

Filed under HIV behavioural surveillance, Masculinities, Online meeting sites, Parties, PNP culture, Policy and programs, Self-medication, Sexual practice, The statistical imagination

Police intimidation: no way to work with community

The Hon. Barry O’Farrell, MP, Premier of NSW

Monday 11 March, 2013

Open Letter

Dear Premier,

Last Friday evening I attended the protest against police behaviour during Mardi Gras at Taylor Square.  Over a thousand concerned citizens turned out to protest police practices surrounding the event.  Although the full circumstances surrounding the treatment of Jamie Jackson have yet to be established, the footage has clearly hit a nerve and unleashed much more widespread community dissatisfaction and longstanding feelings of mistreatment at the hands of police among communities participating in Mardi Gras.

Community organisations are meeting with police next week to discuss ways of addressing the situation.  Among the proposals that are put to them, a clear message must be sent that we demand the removal of sniffer dogs from the arsenal of police techniques used at our events and on our streets.

For over a decade now, NSW police have used drug detection dogs as a pretext to subject sexual and racial minorities, the homeless, and youth attending music festivals to harassment and intimidation. This practice must be stopped.  Nowhere else in the western world is such widespread, active and high profile use of sniffer dogs accepted or tolerated except in highly circumscribed contexts such as airports and during bomb threats.  It sends the wrong message about police attitudes to the public they say they want to work with and it reeks of contempt towards the communities the police are meant to serve.  I firmly believe that there will be no improvement in community-police relations until the Police Powers Act is amended to bring this practice within the same sort of highly restricted parameters as civilised jurisdictions internationally.  Indeed, the community response to the Jamie Jackson incident suggests that despite years of dedicated hard interagency work on the part of Gay and Lesbian Liaison Officers, community organisations, and concerned officers within government and the police force, a deep sense of hostility and resentment towards police seethes beneath the surface of our community, largely attributable to this practice and its unnecessary use in otherwise peaceful community spaces.

The suitability of drug detection dogs as a means of responding to drug use has been roundly criticized by public health specialists and criminologists and this is not the place to rehearse these points (but see the damning NSW Ombudsman’s review of the practice in its 2006 report). Suffice it to say that the practice has been evaluated as not only very costly but ineffective with respect to drug detection, and counterproductive in terms of drug harm.  It is deemed by many specialists to be inconsistent with harm minimisation principles. Drug detection dogs are likely implicated, for example, in the 2009 death of Gemma Thoms at a music festival in Perth, where she panicked at the sight of police dogs and took her three ecstasy tablets at once to avoid detection.  Meanwhile, the many people who do not use drugs at these events are subjected to unwarranted suspicion and surveillance, including full body strip searches in recent documented cases at Mardi Gras.

Less often discussed at a policy level is the way this policing technique positions our community: as suspects rather than worthy recipients of state protection and care.  The 2011 government finding that sniffer dogs yield around 80% false positives suggests that police enthusiasm for this technique is based on nothing more than the license that the presence of a dog would seem to give them to stop and search whomever they please.  Sniffer dogs serve as an opportunity and often a pretext for intimidation, harassment and invasion of personal space.  They effectively constitute the policed as guilty until proven innocent.  This is a major infringement of civil rights.

There are those who will fall back on the illegality of drug use in order to substantiate this policing practice and disqualify the sort of complaints made here. But this sort of dissimulation is entirely disingenuous and ignores the message that the strategy sends out to the communities on which it is inflicted.  In short, it is not just the brutality depicted in the footage of the Jamie Jackson incident, but the sniffer dogs, the strip searches, the intimidation, the aggression, the humiliation and the disrespect that this police method embodies that caused people to gather en masse in Taylor Square on the evening of 8 March.  This is no way to a position a community that has undertaken, with respect to HIV/AIDS, one of the most impressive public health responses in the world, largely on the basis of the strength of community bonds forged at events like Mardi Gras.

If police and the relevant decision-makers are serious about improving community relations they will reconsider and revoke this strategy.

Yours sincerely,

Associate Professor Kane Race ,

Chair, Gender and Cultural Studies, University of Sydney

Associate of the Sydney Institute of Criminology

28 Comments

Filed under Drug dogs, HIV behavioural surveillance, Parties, Police, Policy and programs